Without
refuting the role and pertinence played by oil and gas importation in
the economy, we now ponder on the export side of Ethiopian energy
security because it is believed to increase the nation’s influence.
Every country wants to have a future with affordable energy as it is a pillar for all other endeavors. Yet, “how”, “from whom” and “in what bulk one should secure such needs” are part of the prime debate in this globalized world. Energy security, since the very first spark and glimmer that resulted from the friction of stones held by that fortunate caveman who discovered fire, has been the bone of contention for centuries and is no longer an issue only for politicians, environmental activists or policy makers; rather, all global citizens have a stake in the issue.
By and large, various skeptics’ stipulate that Ethiopia ought to
secure an immediate hard currency by trading its renewable energy
resources although they seem far more market-driven. When shall Ethiopia
get the pecuniary return? Now, or in the long run? These are the
subjects causing clamor. A “resource-scramble” model urges countries to
seek what is best for them regardless of the consequences for others.
Nevertheless, a more precise way to think about the problem is to see
that each nation’s energy security is an integral part of every other
nation’s security. In this overly entwined world, we should compromise
benefits as long as it doesn’t shake our very existence and identity. We
should not exclusively calculate the hard currency we secure now, but
rather in the long-term, state-to-state conviction we inculcate.
Michael Rupert explains what is going on in a recent article about
Peak oil. “For every calorie of food produced in the industrial world,
ten calories of oil and gas energy are invested in the forms of
fertilizer, pesticide, packaging, transportation, and running farm
equipment.”
After all, we cannot escape the subject of energy security from our
everyday life because we are consumers of the above-mentioned yield in
one way or another.
At the end of each month, go through newspapers or watch the
broadcast media and you are likely to find an article about the monthly
domestic oil price announcement from the Ministry of Trade featured
prominently. This might include, but is not limited to, the long queues
of vehicles we encounter at petrol stations, and, as many people
will/have experienced and will remember, days they were forced to sit in
a taxi waiting to refill gas, all the while their important schedule
was delayed. Energy is this close to our everyday life.
Ethiopia is reliant on imports to meet its petroleum requirements. It
is both an oil and gas importer and recently started to export
hydropower. Without refuting the role and pertinence played by oil and
gas importation in the economy, we now ponder on the export side of
Ethiopian energy security because it is believed to increase the
nation’s influence.
Within our psychological advances, concerns about energy security are
now at the forefront of many current debates on energy policy,
profoundly influencing the way decision-makers think about a range of
issues from national and economic security to international diplomacy.
Global leaders had convened here in Addis principally to decide upon
global financial measures. It is critical to deal with the issue as the
third global Financing for Development summit and the post 2015
development , as well as in many of its side events, become the focus of
the decade. Likewise, it is time for concerted global action towards a
secured, sustainable and inclusive energy security for the global
citizen.
As the resources that have been so crucial for survival in the world
start waning in figures, countries have begun to realize that the need
for renewable energy sources will be as vital as ever. And here,
Ethiopia has started to generate plenty clean energy sources. In this
day and age, the long-awaited moment in time has come to redeem itself
to a lofty leverage it aspired for centuries. Adept diplomacy harnessed
by energy security and resilience shall be the next motto that will make
Ethiopia center in scope and character of regional framework.
Against all odds, it has been reported by FDRE Foreign Affairs and
National Security policy document that the foreign policies of past
governments were founded in part with a “siege mentality.” Instead of
repeating history of appalling policy, we should learn from it and push
the gear towards betterment.
Denying Ethiopia’s huge investment in hydroelectric, geothermal and
wind infrastructures amounts to naivety. But we should persevere that
Ethiopia doesn’t aspire to bring about the economic return for costs it
incurred on such investments in the short run, and instead the hard
currency it acquired by being business minded could be set off once it
advances long-term affiliation and keeps peaceful camaraderie with
nations.
Let us consider our neighboring nations who could be shortlisted
patrons of our energy supply. If the warring parties and
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) succeed in instilling
peace in South Sudan, there will be a development , which, in turn,
would bring about market access and job opportunities for Ethiopians.
Regarding the republic of Sudan, there is a possibility of an extra port
option, which would benefit our growing economy because, given some
time, it might not be accommodated by the Djibouti port alone. Kenya is
also another client for our energy supply and no one can undermine their
supportive role in our peace and security resolutions against vicious
radical groups. Besides, contiguity of border villages and some ethnic
groups further cement the need for collaboration. Finally, aside from
the shared sociological and cultural ties, Djibouti is the focal entry
and exit point for Ethiopian merchandise. So, any moves that the
Ethiopian government takes would be scrutinized in line with the broader
economic integration process that is underway.
The mutual trust built amongst countries in resource transactions is
also another prominent issue. It is apparent that they disburse for the
service provided yet the bond must be beyond contractual relationship.
Once we harness such ties, our transaction partners will feel that
Ethiopia has a stake in their development endeavor as a power supplier.
Moreover, people-to-people relationship that we build through public
diplomacy engagements will buttress our stance in the hearts and minds
of that country’s populace.
In order to maintain our stance in the sector, the government should
engage with donors who already deem Ethiopia worthy of development
assistance and who will support a plan for carbon-neutral
industrialization by 2030. Ethiopia should orchestrate countries to
prop up its clean energy resources. Even in the Grand Ethiopian
Renaissance Dam (GERD) project; the more Ethiopia was devoted on the
negotiation table, the more Egypt and Sudan felt inclined to agree until
they finally agreed in principle to the construction of the dam. There
are also many other Nile riparian countries assenting to the
Comprehensive Framework Agreement (CFA) on the equitable utilization of
the river. Thus, we should be adamant with our bilateral and
multilateral development partners so that they maintain our cause like
Japan and the World Bank did in Aluto Langano Geothermal Power Plant.
To renew the ties of cooperation, and to confront its fear and face
the future, Ethiopia should find the right balance between a
market-driven outlook and a more forward-looking strategic approach
towards bolstering equitable and reasonable collaboration frameworks. It
will resurrect from the ashes like the mythological phoenix and redeem
its previous supremacy in a subtler manner. On top of that, it must work
towards shifting the paradigm towards the success of African
integration as is aspired by Agenda 2063. Ethiopia can bolster Africa
through an integrated power pool, enough that history will enlighten the
rest of the world about us. We shall prove, in action, that Ethiopia’s
indomitable spirit on the issues of Africa is as solid as they used to
be, irrespective of governments in power.
Henceforth, in order to keep the normalcy of the region and
consolidate the pivotal role of Ethiopia, we need the immensely
significant support of neighboring states. Or else, once we exclusively
engross our mentality on the economic return we can accrue from those
countries, Ethiopia would be expected to go the extra mile to secure
their alliance, which would be emphatically cumbersome. Lastly,
collecting a reasonable amount for the sale of our energy supply is
crucial in keeping the ties intact.
Originally Posted on The Reporter English Version
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